On 28th July 2001, Central Govt. went back on the agreement signed by it with National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Issac-Muviah: names of the leaders), once again threatening to put the clock back on whatever progress was made in negotiations with the Naga organization. This decision came in the wake of sharp agitation in Manipur and other North-Eastern states against the agreement reached with NSCN.

On 14th June 2001, Central Govt. signed an agreement with NSCN leader Muviah on extending the cease-fire for one more year with the proviso “without territorial limits”, i.e. it will not be limited to the territory of Nagaland but would extend to all Naga areas. This concretely meant that this cease-fire was to be observed even in Naga areas falling in other states namely, Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. This had been an old demand of the NSCN which had been accepted by the Govt. Now the provison “without territorial limits” is to be deleted and according to Home Minister L.K. Advani, “status quo ante”, as on 14th June 2001, will be restored. He also claimed that NSCN leadership has acquiesced with this change. Once more, inept handling, inadequate commitment and insincere attitude has been openly on display.

Ever since the announcement of this extension of cease-fire “without territorial limits”, the voice of opposition in Manipur started becoming louder. A wave of anger swept through Manipur. Thousands of students, employees, teachers, women and intellectuals came onto the streets. A procession attacked the Assembly House. Ruling class parties also lent their support to this swelling anger. Majority of the people of Manipur, mainly Meiteis, have the fear that extension of cease-fire to Naga areas of Manipur will pave the way for the formation of Greater Nagaland or Nagalim which would mean that Naga dominated areas of Manipur will be part of the Greater Nagaland.

All the ruling class parties are supporting this agitation in Manipur to revoke the extension of cease-fire to Naga areas outside Nagaland. BJP, Samata, Congress, CPI, CPM – all have opposed the extension of cease-fire and demanded withdrawal of cease-fire outside Nagaland i.e., withdrawal of the proviso “without territorial limits”. Prime Minister had promised review of the cease-fire extension including “without territorial limits” in a meeting with MPs, MLAs and representatives of the political parties. The ruling class parties have been politically exploiting the explosive situation in Manipur and other states while they have been rallying around against the Nagas’ half a century old struggle for self-determination. Their present attitude is a continuation of their long-standing opposition to the struggle of the Nagas.

The centre of these protests are Meiteis who are concentrated in Imphal valley. Nagas living in the hilly areas of Manipur are supporting the extension of the cease-fire. According to a recent report, Nagas are leaving the valley for the hilly areas. Though there has been no report of any attack on or intimidation of Nagas in the valley, their migration from the Valley is indicative of the poisonous atmosphere being created among the different nationalities living in the North-East.

Here it is worth mentioning that the decision to extend the cease-fire without territorial limits had been opposed even in Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. There also different ruling class parties and the revisionist parties are holding aloft the banner of “unity and integrity” of the states. In their opposition it is apparent that they are opposing even the partial success of the struggling Nagas. This opposition had, however, been strongest in Manipur.

On the other hand, Nagas in Manipur and other states have supported the decision of the extension of cease-fire. This shows that the extension of cease-fire is in accordance with the aspirations of Naga people and secondly that NSCN(I-M) enjoys wide support among Naga people.

The State of Manipur has an area of 22,327 sq. kms. and a population of 18,26,714 according to 1991 census. Of these, there were 8.5 lakh Meiteis and 4.7 lakh Nagas. Zomi, Kuki and Chin are among the other people inhabiting Manipur. A significant feature is that Meiteis, constituting almost half of the population of Manipur, are concentrated in Imphal valley. The total population of Imphal East and West, Bishnupur and Thoubal districts together was 11.77 lakhs in 1991 (just less than two thirds), while their area is only 2,238 sq. kms., i.e., only one tenth of the total area of Manipur. On the other hand, Naga dominated districts – Senapati, Ukhrul, Tamenglong and Chandel – had a population of only 4.73 lakhs, while their area is 15,519 sq. kms. (nearly 70% of the total area of Manipur). These areas lie on three sides – west, north and south – of Imphal valley. In the south-west of Imphal valley lies Churachandpur, which is dominated by Zomi-Kuki-Chin, which had a population of 1.76 lakhs and has an area of 4,570 sq. kms. Thus Meitei dominated areas, where population is dense, constitute only one tenth of the area of Manipur.

Manipur

Total Areas : 22,327 Sq. Kms.

Population: 18,26,714 (according to 1991 census)

Districtwise Distribution of Population

Naga Dominated Districts

            District                                    Population                    Areas

1.         Tamenglong                     85,572                      4,391 Sq. Kms

2.         Senapati                      2,06,933                        3,271 Sq. Kms.

3.         Ukhrul                         1,09,952                        4,544 Sq. Kms.

4.         Chandel                           70,734                        3,313 Sq. Kms.

            Total                            4,73,191                      15,519 Sq. Kms.

Meitei Dominated Districts

1.         Imphal East      }

2.         Imphal West    }           7,07,184                      1,201 Sq. Kms.

3.         Bishnupur                     1,79,903                          530 Sq. Kms.

4.         Thoubal                        2,90,393                          507 Sq. Kms.

            Total                         11,77,480                       2,238 Sq. Kms.

Zomi-Kuki-Chin Dominated District

1.         Churachandur               1,76,043                      4,570 Sq. Kms.

Placing the spectre of Greater Nagaland before them, ruling class parties are playing upon these fears of Meiteis and are increasing tensions among these communities. This may serve their political games for the time being, but these will definitely harm the mutual relations among the people living in the Northeast.

The explosion of anger in Manipur and targeting of the MPs and MLAs should be seen in the backdrop of their fighting and unprincipled alliances. A large number of MLAs had defected from the Congress and out of them Samata was formed and BJP has ‘grown’ to its present strength. Such a bitter fighting took place for between these two parties (both constituents of ruling NDA) that BJP could not form the Govt. though being in majority. In this situation came the announcement of extension of cease-fire which they found a means to overcome their isolation among the people. People of Manipur considered that the Centre could ignore the state govt. due to petty politicking of their ‘representatives’, and hence anger directed against them.

There have benn close relations among Meiteis and Nagas since a very long time. Meiteis too have evolved from the hill tribes who had established agriculture in Imphal valley. Their language, traditions and culture closely resemble those of other nationalities of North-East. It is an index of their traditional close relationship that Manipur kings used to wear Naga dress at the time of their coronation and used to have a ‘Naga House’ in their palace. Ruling class parties are trying to poison the close relations between Meiteis and Nagas.

Nagas are a nationality inhabiting a large contiguous area in the North-East. British colonialists tried to crush these freedom loving people with a variety of means. One of them was to divide Nagas into different administrative units. Naga areas which are geographically contiguous and where Nagas constitute the overwhelming majority of population were divided between India and Myanmar (then Burma). Indian rulers, who were transferred power by the British imperialists, continued this policy to divide Nagas and further subdivided them into four provinces – Nagaland, Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. It is to be mentioned again that Naga areas falling in these four states are geographically contiguous.

Since a long time (since transfer of power in 1947), Nagas have been fighting for their right of self-determination. In fact on August 14, 1947, Naga National Council declared independence through a telegram stating "Sourthern Nagas including Manipur Hill Nagas and Cachar Nagas with Konayak Nagas declared Independence today the 14th of August 1947."  Indian Govt. has been crushing this struggle with the help of military. However, along with the military repression, Indian Govt. has been talking to the Naga organizations too. In 1948, Governor of Assam has reached a nine-point agreement with leaders of Naga National Council with the preamble stating "that the right of the Nagas to develop themselves  according to their freely expressed wishes is recognized.”  This was in fact a Naga bill of full autonomy within Inidan Union with the proviso for renegotiation at the end of ten years' period. Central Govt. treated this agreement as a dead letter from the beginning. 1952 meeting between Phizo and Nehru remained unproductive. Nehru “while hammering his table with with clenched fists" was reported to have said "Whether heaven falls or India goes into peices and blood runs red in the country, whether I am here or some one else, Nagas will not be allowed to be independent.”

With the passage of time a section of Nagas were willing to consider other options, i.e. of making peace with Indian Govt. at its terms. They formed Naga People's Convention. Nagaland was formed in 1962 after talks with Naga People's Convention, but the struggle of the Naga people did not slacken. However, a number of Naga areas were left in other provinces. Govt. of India had accepted the demand of Naga organizations that Nagaland will be looked after by the Foreign Ministry and not the Home Ministry. Further, Govt. of India has been talking with leaders of Naga organizations in foreign countries. Congress, Janata Party, United Front, BJP – all the Govts. have held talks with Nagas in foreign countries.

It is not the first time that cease-fire between Naga organizations and Govt. of India has been implemented in areas outside Nagaland. The cease-fire in place from 1963 to 1972 was operative in Nagaland and Naga areas of other provinces. But there had been no movement of the present type against the cease-fire.

In fact the Govt. of India has been conducting the whole affair in an utterly secret way. On the one hand it chants the mantra of “unity and integrity” and “talks within the ambit of Constitution”, and on the other, forced by the struggle of the people, it has been forced to talk going out of this ambit. But they do not publicly admit it; rather the Govt. and media keep on their chauvinist propaganda. In this their revisionist hangers on give them a helping hand. In fact after the division of Pakistan and formation of Bangladesh, Indian Govt. had hoped to end the Naga problem through military means. It did not extend the cease-fire after 1972. However, the continued struggle of Nagas forced them again to talk peace with Naga organizations. Over the decades, NNC was replaced by NSCN(I-M) as the most important organization representing Nagas.

It is, however, beyond doubt that before making the announcement on extension of cease-fire, Central Govt. should have taken state govts. into confidence. By failing to do so, Central Govt. has insulted the state govts. But this issue is not limited to this reprehensible undermining of state govts. by the Central Govt. It should not viewed in isolation of the half century old struggle of Nagas.

The cease-fire between NSCN and Indian Govt. should be seen as part of the attempt to resolve issues of this protracted struggle through talks. Neither the character of the Indian ruling classes or their govt. has changed nor does the cease-fire signal any change in the attitude of Indian govt. towards struggles of oppressed nationalities. Indian govt. has been holding peace talks with struggling forces and has been backtracking on the commitments and agreements. A three-member Peace Commission consisting of J.P. Narayan, B.P. Chaliha and Michael Scott was formed in  April1964 to help resolve the Naga problem. J.P. Narayan and B.P. Chaliha resigned, disgusted with the lack of progress and Michael Scott was arrested and deported in 1966. Some time back Indian chief negotiator with Nagas, Mr. Swaraj Kaushal, had resigned accusing Prime Minister Vajpayee of going back on the commitments made to the NSCN. In fact Indian Govt. had made a commitment of extension of the area of cease-fire long back. Cease-fire agreement was reached in July 1997 when Mr. I.K. Gujral was the Prime Minister and at that time, while speaking in Parliament, Mr. Gujral had admitted that it would not be proper to make public commitments made to NSCN.

On the current cease-fire agreement, while the Central Govt. had put its signature, the parties of NDA ruling at the Centre participated in the movement designed to lay the ground for the Central Govt. backtracking on the agreement.

The extension of the cease-fire, while being a demand of Naga organizations, is also necessary for the peace process. It is not difficult to understand that cease-fire in Nagaland too will be fragile and superficial if the fighting continues in the nearby Naga areas of other provinces. Everybody will agree that cease-fire in these areas is necessary to carry the peace process forward and to find a solution through talks.

As has been mentioned earlier, opposition to territorial extension of cease-fire stems from the opposition to demand for Greater Nagaland (Nagalim: land of Nagas). This is obvious from the demand of the agitationists that Parliament should pass a resolution that no Northeastern state will be divided, a demand not accepted by the Central Govt. This point also needs be considered.

The demand or aspiration of any nationality to come within a single administrative unit is just and democratic provided it fulfills certain basic conditions. All the Naga areas are geographically contiguous. Senapati, Ukhrul, Tamenglong and Chandel districts of Manipur are geographically contiguous with Nagaland. Similarly Naga areas of Assam and Arunachal Pradesh too fulfil the criterion of contiguity.

Besides geographical contiguity, the overwhelming population of these areas are Nagas. For example, of the total population of these four districts of Manipur of 4.7 lakhs, nearly 4 lakhs are Nagas. Where there is such an admixture of the people of different nationalities that no single nationality predominates, the situation is different. But  such is not the situation in Naga areas of Manipur.

Historically too these areas have been home of Nagas. Nagas have been inhabiting these hilly areas since a long time and these Naga areas have close relations with each other. Nagas were not brought to these lands by Meitei kings, rather they are historically the inhabitants of these areas. Economically too the lives of hill people differ from those living in the valley though there has been mutual dependence among the people living in the hills and the valley since a long time.

Therefore, the aspiration of Naga people to live in a single administrative unit cannot be considered unjust or undemocratic. However all Naga areas cannot be brought under one administrative unit through talking only to Indian Govt., as a good part of Naga areas lies in Myanmar.

 Anyhow the boundaries of the provinces cannot be decided on the basis of boundaries of different kingdoms in earlier period. Such a concept is neither democratic nor reasonable. Indian Govt. had long back accepted the principle of linguistic states. The negation of this right on the basis of anti-India or pro-India consideration is symptomatic of the mentality of old feudal empires and does not accord with the democratic principles. History should be utilized for shaping a better future, for fostering fraternity among the people of different nationalities and not to sow discord among them, not to fan the chauvinist ambers.

In this background, Meitei people of Manipur should recognize the conspiracies of ruling classes to make the people fight each other only to continue their own anti-people rule and policies; realize how they spread chauvinism for their narrow political gains. Today they are pitting Meiteis against their Naga brothers. They have since long been utilizing different nationalities and tribes against the struggle of Nagas. Naga-Kuki clashes were the products of such conspiracies.

Let us have a look at the role of revisionist parties. These parties have been opposing the struggle of Nagas for self-determination. CPM and CPI have demanded the withdrawal of territorial extension of the cease-fire. This is a continuation of their stand against the struggle of Nagas for self-determination. Liberation too has opposed extension of the cease-fire and has taken up some programmes against this in Karbi Anglong area of Assam. They are trying to upstage their ASDC(U) rivals in opposing cease-fire extension and to be one up on them in fanning chauvinism. It is well known that CPI(ML) has been supporting the struggle of Nagas for self-determination and still does so.  On the other hand revisionists have been opposing struggle of different nationalities and have been tailing behind the ruling classes in fanning chauvinism.

People in Manipur are being severely hit by the anti-people policies of the ruling classes. Unemployment and poverty have grown alarmingly while all development work is at a standstill. People of Manipur must intensify their struggle against these anti-people policies. Being vigilant of the conspiracies of the ruling class parties, they should unite with the people of all nationalities, should build up a struggle against the present anti-people system.