The CPM and CPI have been supporting the Congress led UPA (United Progressive Alliance) govt. at the Centre for over two years. They are not only supporters but are mainly responsible for keeping alive this Govt. as it will be reduced to a minority if they withdraw support. The reason they give for keeping it alive is to keep communal BJP out of power at the Centre. According to them, the threat of this is so strong that whenever the UPA Govt. takes yet another pro- imperialist step which these parties used to oppose in the days they lacked the decisive position in decision making which they now enjoy, the first thing CPM-CPI do is to reiterate that the UPA Govt. will last its full term. After this they engage in ‘talks’ with the Govt. on the specific issue and at the same time they vociferously oppose it. At the end, they help the Govt. to get the policy or step passed. Thus they try to appropriate the opposition and then let out the steam. The latest such issue is the Indo-US nuclear deal; the anger against SEZs promises to be another. The CPM-CPI first made a hullabo about the ‘new strings’ stipulated by the US Congress, thereby hallowing the anti-India deal as earlier struck between Bush and Manmohan Singh. Even while maintaining that India’s interests were being threatened, they refused to press for a resolution because BJP would side with them. Eventually, they declared themselves "100% convinced" by Manmohan Singh’s speech. Such ‘convincing’ need not have been a public exercise among UPA leaders unless the idea was of a public performance to usurp and drown the opposition of many other skeptics who were feeling concern.

Overall, this experience of around two years of the UPA Govt. has gone a long way in exposing these two parties. They have also proved that our Party’s assessment of CPM-CPI in the 1997 Plenum as parties of ruling classes was a correct characterization. Even then, their wide exposure among the masses has not yet occurred. It is also true that like other ruling class political parties, CPM-CPI are also of a specific group which earns them a recognition separate from other parliamentary parties. For instance even if they falsely characterize Congress as ‘secular’ to support its govt., they themselves are not communal parties. But such issues do not decide the class character of a party. That is only decided by which classes the policies of parties serve, and on that score, there can be no doubt about where CPM-CPI stand. However, this article will confine discussion to those issues which have come up during the period of the UPA Govt.

"On Certain Policy Matters"

On the question of sale of the country, on the issue of pro-imperialist policies and on anti-worker policy matters, CPM itself has made pronouncements which show it stands with the exploiting classes. It is of course a different matter if listeners choose to be deaf. In their 13th Party Congress in April 2005 in Delhi, their proposed political organizational report contained a section on their party's position on foreign investments. Its plain spoken acknowledgements seem to have startled many delegates and eventually this part was removed from the deliberations. After its July 2005 meeting the Central Committee of CPM released it as a document entitled ‘On Certain Policy Matters.’

Holding that from the view point of capitalism, policies of globalization were logical during the period of imperialism, the CPM document maintains that the essential task during this phase is defence of the country’s ‘economic sovereignty'. It has clarified to what extent the policies of globalization were acceptable. In the loot of third world countries by imperialist capital, CPM has found it possible to find the virtues of ‘development of productive forces’, ‘development of technique’ and ‘creating employment'! Its position is that when imperialist investment comes with these features it is acceptable. Who does not know that imperialist lending agencies and imperialist capital do not come to third world countries in order to develop them? They come to exploit cheap labour, cheap natural resources. But by this formulation CPM’s attempt is to dye in ‘theory’ the freedom to the ‘Left’ Govts. led by it to invite imperialist investments. The fact is CPM-CPM are one with other ruling class parties on pro-imperialist policies but they want to cover the issue of the sale of the country with the veil of ‘policy’ in order to preserve their base among the people.

Subeverting Struggles

In a nut shell, CPM-CPI are fulfilling a rule which the parties like Congress, BJP etc. cannot do. Organized workers and peasantry do not expect opposition of anti-people policies from Cong. and BJP. But the use of a red flag and the term ‘Left’ parties rouse in common people an expectation that such parties will oppose anti-people, anti-worker policies and will defend people’s interests if they are in Govts. In other words, people to some extent still believe in the false propaganda of CPM-CPI and in the prestige of communists (which both these ruling class parties are misusing.) But CPM-CPI and their mass organizations take publicly vacillating positions with regard to anti people, anti national policies. Thus they confuse people ideologically. Of course they themselves are very clear that they intend to support such policies. They do not develop struggles, divert expectations but towards ‘parliamentary struggle’ and ‘talk with Govts.’ (actually even this ‘struggle’ does not take place in parliament) thereby blunting the edge of anti globalization struggles. They are strengthening those elements in the organized sector who do not want to struggle, are pouring cold water over the spirit of struggle or the faith in struggles, engage themselves in spreading despondency among those who are struggling. In this manner, taking only superficial and weak steps of struggle, engaging themselves in trying to finish off the faith of workers and of peasants in struggles. This is in the situation where struggles are possible and which are succeeding to the extent leadership is being given and sacrifices are being made.

But these false ‘communists’ are not getting exposed as fast as they should de due to relative weakness of the revolutionary movement in India.

In the Economic Sphere

On the economic front, CPM and CPI had openly started taking a position since 1995 (after setting up of WTO) on the current intensification of imperialist penetration. At that time they simply refused to keep the slogans of ‘Withdraw new economic policies’ and ‘Quit WTO’ in the demand charter of the National Platform of Mass Organizations. They confined their opposition to the ‘anti people’ aspects of these policies – obviously this implies that they had decided there are pro-people aspects of NEPs which are actually the ‘structural changes’ forced on third world countries by imperialist lending agencies like IMF in return for more loans.

Limited to Navratans in Public Sector

In the last two years CPM – CPI’s real positions have been exposed on a number of issues. From ‘no sale of public sector’ they came down to ‘no sale of profit making PSUs’ by the time Balco was put up for sale. But now even this position has shrunk further and only includes ‘no sale of navratana companies’. Even on this count, when workers of profit making Delhi and Mumbai airports went on strike against privatization, CPM – CPI scaled down the demand of ‘no privatization’ to ‘no victimization’ and ‘defence of all jobs’ within four days of successful strike. They have also accepted that some shares can be sold in profit making PSUs. Since long, especially in Bengal, they are on closure of 'loss making' PSUs and also their sale “case by case”. These loss incurring PSUs have anyway been abandoned by the document ‘On Certain Policy Matters.’ On 26th Aug. 2005, Prakash Karat clearly offered to discuss such PSUs on ‘case to case’ basis with Manmohan Singh when the latter objected that PSUs were being closed in W Bengal while the CPM – CPI protested against similar action in the rest of the country. The actual issue – that as all acknowledge, it is Govt. callousness and corruption which are the main causes of losses in PSUs – has been left far behind by CPM-CPI and their discourse is in the language of the rest of ruling classes. They have not raised objections from the viewpoint that these companies were set up with public money and are now being sold at throw-away prices and the money earned being used to finance routine govt. expenditure.

Siding with attacks on Working Class

Another important issue is the current attacks on workers’ jobs and rights at the behest of multinational companies. CPM-CPI, which used to attack the BJP led NDA Govt. on such issues, have sat absolutely quiet while the UPA Govt. has not taken a single step to enshrine the right to strike as a fundamental right. Why did these parties, who contend they are the defenders of the working class, keep quiet when the SEZ Act 2005 was passed especially when they knew that via the state Acts many modifications in labour law would be gradually effected?

On the other hand, on the question of interest rate of PF deposits of workers, the CPM-CPI are doggedly abetting the Cong. led Central Govt. in pegging it at 8.5% for now. Last year, when the UPA Govt. brought down this rate from 9.5% to 8.5%, the CPM-CPI which under NDA rule raised the chant of restoration of 12%, only raised the demand for restoring 9.5% interest rate. They then agreed that this difference of 1% could be made good from the Special Fund of the PF, which is an account where unclaimed funds were deposited. Obviously this fund dried up in one year and the UPA Govt. reverted to 8.5% interest rate using this excuse. When this rate was announced for 2006, the unions led by CPM-CPI gave a call for a one day strike on 21 Sept. ’05 demanding reversal to 9.5% interest rate (not 12%). This call was implemented half-heartedly and in many states they did not even take any steps to implement the call. In contrast, in West Bengal where strikes called by CITU and AITUC are implemented through Govt. machinery and take the form of a public holiday the strike was enforced in the IT industry. Against this, eight corporate heads of this sector went to meet W. Bengal Chief Minister, Buddhadeb Bhattacharya. ‘Comrade’ Budhadev not only assured them that this would be the last general strike to hit their sector, but he also raised the issue of declaring IT and BPO industries as ‘essential services’. Manmohan Singh also entered the scene declaring that the interest rate on PF deposits could be enhanced to 9.5% provided trade unions agreed to changes being proposed in labour laws (the main target is the ID Act. 1947, especially chapter VB of the Act) and he also announced that labour law changes head the Govt’s. agenda of tasks ahead.

The CPM-CPI, which comment about a wide range of topics, neither gave a clear public reaction to this pronouncement, nor did they take up any actual programme of struggle on the issue of PF interest rate. In the lathicharge on workers of Honda factory in Gurgoan some months earlier, neither the trade unions linked to CPM-CPI took up any decisive struggle (the union belonged to AITUC) against the Hooda Govt. of Haryana nor did the unions or these parties even demand the dismissal of the anti-worker Hooda Govt. Later CPI leader Gurudas Dasgupta clearly placed the entire blame for the police barbarity at the door of erring local officials and absolved the Haryana Govt. of any responsibility.

The role CPM played in ensuring passage of WTO dictates regarding amendments to Patent Act, only show the lack of boundaries to their ability and willingness to dupe the people.

Co-Travellers with Manmohan – Bengal Govt. and Buddhadev

Politburo member of CPM and Bengal CM Buddhadev Bhattacharya went to Indonesia in Aug. 2005 and announced there that CPM has to change its policies and must discard ‘dogmatism’. This description was applied by him to basic tenants of Marxism, and to this extent he is correct that when the class character and outlook of the party has nothing to do with the working class, then why should theoretical trappings be maintained? He is correct that they only become needless chains.

Apart from all these theoretical statements he reached an agreement with Salem group of Industries for handing over 5100 acres of land to them to construct a park, malls and residential colonies. A hue and cry arose in Bengal because the land projected to be gifted thus was either that on which stood closed factories (which it ought to be the govt.’s responsibility to ensure reopening) or agricultural land. While CPM-CPI maintained that this land only managed to produce one crop per year they failed to pressurize other partners of Left Front into amending the land holding laws. Of course, now the Left Front Govt. has gone even further, moving to acquire nearly one thousand acres of land in Hoogly Dist. for Tata, which is being opposed by the local peasants. The point is, despite all criticism and all disclaimers, the CPM-CPI leadership has backed the actions of the Bengal Govt. and this is the real position of the CPM.

The West Bengal Govt.'s using of Land Acquisition Act to serve the interest of comprador house of Tata, and forcibly acquire the land at low prices from peasants at Singur has now faced open battle from the peasants. Govt. of West Bengal has freely used police repression, while itself acting as a property dealer for Tata. W. Bengal Got. is promising 'adequate' compensation for peasants and CPM leaders are advocating giving few 'years' minimum wages in lump sum to the landless peasants as their 'ideal solution and pointing to its promised practice in Singur. No doubt its Govt in West Bengal is giving peasants a taste of what its slogan of 'people's democratic state' amounts to, and whom the CPM subserves. No question arises for land to the landless! Like other ruling class parties, CPM central leaders in Delhi warn against food crisis due to acquisition of agricultural land while their state govt. merrily proceeds with the same. Budhadev Bhattacharya in fact is striving to give his service of Tata a shroud of principle and talking about the importance of the rolling out of Tata's 'people's car'.

CPM Govt. of West Bengal dug in its heels to support Coca Cola and Pepsi Cola MNCs in the recent controversy about the presence of pesticides in these drinks. Giving a clean chit to the MNCs for 'acceptable' levels of pesticides is how far CPM led 'Left' Front is willing to go in service of MNCs.

Ideological effect of the understanding to discard the 'dogmas' of Marxism are unmistakably beginning to tell. Transport Minister of West Bengal Subhash Chakravorty offered Puja in the Tarapit Kali Mandir at Birbhum and also defended his action as acceptable (26 Sept. '06, Rashtriya Sahara) under Marxism. While Budhadeb declined to comment, Jyoti Basu criticized the act.

Not only does the ‘Certain Policy Matters’ document permit CPM's State Govts. to take funds from imperialist agencies for ‘developed technology’, but the drama enacted by CPM-CPI on the issue of Bush’s India visit was astonishing for its immaturity. They did not oppose Indian Govt. inviting Bush though they are certainly in a position to do so. But to fool their mass base they took out rallies against the visit after assuring the Govt. that their opposition would be ‘within limits’.

The class character of these parties is being fast exposed with the role they are playing in the Central Govt. To some extent this is making the task of revolutionaries easier because to break the parliamentary illusions of the working class and to advance their struggles, the exposure of these revisionists is very necessary.